Tag Archives: oil

The Execution of Ken Saro-Wiwa in 1995

This is an interview with one of the Ogoni members of MOSOP (Ledum Mitee) who was imprisoned with Ken Saro-Wiwa in 1995. He recounts the experiences of he and Saro-Wiwa being arrested, imprisoned, and Saro-Wiwa’s execution. Some harrowing accounts – including stories of Nigerian soldiers kidnapping Ogoni women and raping them in the cell opposite Saro-Wiwa and his imprisoned colleagues.




The Memo that Condemned Saro-Wiwa to Die



Copy of a memo drafted by the Provisional Ruling Council (PRC) of General Sani Abacha’s regime, which confirmed the death sentence on Ken Saro-Wiwa and other Ogoni activists in 1995. Highlights of the memo:

*Abacha said “no sympathy should be shown” to the condemned men, and the executions “would be a lesson for everybody”.

*The PRC admitted Ogoni grievances caused by previous government’s failure to bring development to the Ogoni area.

*Saro-Wiwa was described as “a separatist” masquerading as an environmentalist.

*The PRC overruled the concerns of one of its members who urged the government to delay the executions until after Abacha’s return from the Commonwealth Conference in Auckland, New Zealand. Ultimately Saro-Wiwa and the others were executed by hanging, while the Commonwealth Conference took place.

Sudan: the “Divorce” between North and South

For those who think secession is the answer to Nigeria’s problems – take a look at Sudan. A country with an Islamic north, and Christian oil-rich south. Oil pipelines run northward. Does that remind you of another west African country?

Interesting discussion that highlights the role and vested interests of China and the United States of America. The “US has no problem dealing with dictators. They just don’t like dealing with dictators that don’t play ball”. How succinct!



Yet North and South Sudan are on the brink of war, not long after South Sudan voted for independence from the North.

Fuel Subsidy Protests Continue in Nigeria – Protesters Shot Dead

Nigeria’s finance minister Ngozo Okonjo-Iweala interviewed regarding the fuel subsidy:



Fuel Subsidy Protests in Pictures:


Protesters shot dead:


Fuel Strike Protests Brings Nigeria “to a halt”


Protesters Threaten to make Nigeria “ungovernable”



History of Oil Spills in the Niger Delta

Niger Delta Pollution Will Take 30 years to Clean


Great reports in the Guardian and by the UN showing that:

1) The pollution in the Niger Delta will cost $1 billion and take over 30 years to clean.

2) Friends of the Earth and some Niger Delta residents are suing Shell in the Hague, in the Netherlands.


Read the full report by the United Nations entitled “UN environmental assessment of Ogoniland – Executive Summary”, which details the devastating pollution in the Delta.


Oil, Politics and Violence: “A Fascinating Read for Anyone Interested in Nigeria”

By Maggie of Sociolingo. Maggie is a sociolinguist with a PhD in education and a keen interest in African affairs.


Jan 18, 2011


In the year that many Nigerians celebrate their 50th Anniversary of Independence, it is also an opportunity to reflect on all that has happened since 1960. If you do a search on Amazon you’ll find quite a number of Nigeria books published around this anniversary.

One of these books, Oil, Politics and Violence: Nigeria’s Military Coup Culture 1966-1976, is by Max Siollun, a well respected Nigerian historian, who has a gift of making the history of this complex country clearer to non-specialists.

In his book Siollun opens up one of the most troublesome and distressing periods in Nigeria’s history and introduces us to the mindset of the Nigerian military which has so influenced the turmoil that ensued following independence. Although the book is a historical narrative, it goes beyond ‘dry’ dates and events to take the reader on a journey. The author does this by utilising recently de-classified material and old intelligence reports together with personal knowledge and in depth analysis .

I like the way this book sets the scene by presenting us with a series of maps at the beginning. Before the opening pages we are presented with a map of the major ethnic groups, although I’m not quite sure why that map was not included with the other maps in the preface as it would go better with the map of major Nigerian languages and the more general map locating Nigeria in Africa would have been better in its place, but that is just my preference.  The series of historical maps in the preface cover the political development  from the four regions of 1966  to the present 36 States and are worth referring back to from time to time.

It is impossible to appreciate the political complexity of Nigeria without a passing understanding of how the country came into being, its ethnic complexity and its mineral wealth and this book provides good background material in the preface and the opening chapter for those who are not so familiar with Nigeria.  The writer introduces us to these issues in the opening chapters by describing the situation leading up to independence and  introducing us to several strands – political and military – which culminate in the post-independence turmoil of 1966 which was a pivotal and dreadful year.

It is important to understand that like many African countries ‘Nigeria’ was an artificial construct.

The country was artificially constructed by a colonial power without the consent of its citizens. Over 250 ethnic groups were arbitrarily herded together into an unwieldy and non-consensual union by the UK. Nigeria was so ethnically, religiously and linguistically complex that even some of its leading politicians initially doubted it could constitute a real country.

The division of the huge area called Nigeria into the original 3 Regions by the British in the earlier part of the 20th century was largely pragmatic. The very large Northern Region was predominantly Muslim and dominated by the Hausa and Fulani, while the predominantly Christian south was dominated by two competing groups, the Yoruba and the Igbo. Among these main groups were 250 other ethnic groups of varying size. Most ethnic groups had little in common, and Siollun says that ‘The cultural differences between the ethnic groups made it virtually impossible for Nigerians to have any commonality of purpose’. It was within this artificially constructed maelstrom that political divides took on the identity and ideology of the these three geo-political regions.  The Western Region in the south was further divided into a Mid-Western region in 1963 after rising tensions and what could almost be considered the first coup plot. The antagonism between the north and south continued after independence and was further exacerbated by the fragmentation in the more numerous south and the uneven distribution of mineral wealth.

It is as a military historian that Siollun has his strength and this shows in his masterly analysis in the chapters that introduce the military background to the coups and the detailed description and analysis of the coups themselves. In some ways, although this is devastatingly real, I was reminded of a detective novel as the protagonists are revealed and their motives and actions analysed.

It would be tempting to give you a chapter by chapter summary of how the coup culture developed, but you’ll just have to read the book to understand the depth of detail that gives a fascinating insight into the way that friends can become rivals and enemies, and to see how Siollun answers the question of ‘how an apolitical professional army with less than fifty indigenous officers at independence in 1960 became politicized and overthrew its country’s government less than six years later’.

The lessons to be learnt from the critical analysis in this book are grim but necessary reading. Siollun’s final points are that ‘most of the coups …. were carried out by the same cabal of officers, and that ‘an unpunished coup will be followed by a bloodier coup’.  It is also significant that it was only after 1999 when ‘all the serving army officers who had held political office for 6 months or more were compulsorily retired’ that the events set in motion in 1966 that lead to the military coups and military rule were able to be put to rest.

I think this book will become a seminal source for Nigerian historians and will be a fascinating read for anyone interested in Nigeria and in how coups develop.


Oil, Politics and Violence: Nigeria’s Military Coup Culture (1966-1976) by Max Siollun, Algora Publishing, New York. 2009  ISBN: 9780875867083

Wikileaks Exposes on the Niger Delta: “A Cesspool of Corruption and Crime”


Depressing reading regarding the corruption in Nigeria’s oil industry and the shenanigans of oil companies, militants, thieves, and the police force – all engaged in corruption.

“US diplomats also referred to a complaint from one oil multinational about the Nigerian Navy, which, the complaint said, was totally incapable of protecting oil companies in the delta. When rebels attacked an oil platform in the Gulf of Guinea with a total of six speed boats, Shell employees sounded the alarm at 2:30 a.m. It was only at 7:30 p.m., after the attackers had long disappeared, that naval boats arrived — and their primary aim was to obtain supplies of fuel and food from the platform.”

Ken Saro-Wiwa’s Final Interview


Another Great Book Review

I want to say another big thank you for a marvellous review. This time to Vera Ezimora. That’s two great book reviews this week. Last week I was thanking Anote Ajeluorou and the Guardian newspapers.   Today I am thanking Vera. Her full review is below:


Book Review: Oil, Politics and Violence by Max Siollun

When I got this book, I was terrified. The two hundred and fifty-five pages, the title of the book (Oil, Politics, and Violence), and what seemed like a smaller than normal font that hugged the white pages, it all terrified me. When will I finish this book? The book wasn’t about fictional characters with dynamic personalities. It wasn’t a book with a plot full of suspense or drama. It was a book based on facts. Political facts. Nigerian political facts. Nigerian political facts on its military coups. Great. Could it get any worse?

But then I convinced myself that perhaps, I needed to read such a book. Maybe I needed to learn a bit about this beloved country of mine. Maybe I did need to know just a bit about the military coup culture. That’s what I told myself. I don’t know how much of it I believed, but I managed to convince myself that believed what I told myself.  And so, the reading the began.
To say that this book is like nothing I have ever read would be a gross understatement. Everything I sought in a fiction novel – the drama, suspense, etc – were in this book, too. The only difference is that this was a true account. What was it, if not drama, when Mr. E. O. Oke shamelessly flung a chair during the Region House of Assembly meeting? And Mr. F. Ebubeduike, God bless him, followed suit by grabbing the speaker’s mace AND trying to club the speaker with it. This was in 1962 (two years after our independence). Clearly, our problems started a long time ago.
In Nigeria, it turns out that the best way our leaders could think of dealing with a coup – whether it succeeded or failed – was to plan a counter coup. Yes, and look what mighty favor it has done us. Did you know that before the British people decided to “form” Nigeria, we (the people of Nigeria) couldn’t be any more different from each other? We were a ticking time bomb, and I don’t know if we have gone off yet. Culturally and religiously, we couldn’t be more different.
From the distrust among the Igbos, Yorubas, and Hausas for one another, it is evident that the issues we have today started a long, long time ago. But I did not know this prior to reading this book. For someone who almost did not give a hoot about Nigerian politics (or the coups that preceded it), this book has had quite an effect on me. It left me with a strange feeling of nostalgia, irritation, regret, anger, and enlightenment. I’ve even secretly pictured myself running for office! Sure, I’m pissed at the things that have happened, how they happened, why the happened, and the fact that they would have been avoided. But I now know more than I did.
I’ll sum it up: Max Siollun did an excellent job of delivering the happenings of Nigeria’s infancy in my mind’s eye and in my heart’s head.  He has written the book in such a way that you cannot help but be flooded with some type of emotion, wishing and hoping that you were there because maybe, you would have made a difference. This book exposes our primitive thinking way(s). While we have evolved, started having better cell phone reception and Kentucky Fried Chicken in Lagos, we’re still just that – primitive.
Get the book. Read it. You’re going to love it.