Nigeria’s 49th Independence Day – October 1st 2009

Tomorrow (Thursday October 1st, 2009) is Nigeria’s 49th Independence Day anniversary.  Nigeria officially became independent from Great Britain on Saturday, October 1, 1960. To commemorate this anniversary, I have delved into the archives and reproduced the full independence day speech delivered by Nigeria’s first Prime Minister Alhaji Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa.  Balew delivered his speech at a site now known as “Tafawa Balewa Square” in Lagos.

“Today is Independence Day. The first of October 1960 is a date to which for two years every Nigerian has been eagerly looking forward. At last, our great day has arrived, and Nigeria is now indeed an independent sovereign nation.

Words cannot adequately express my joy and pride at being the Nigerian citizen privileged to accept from Her Royal Highness these Constitutional Instruments which are the symbols of Nigeria’s Independence. It is a unique privilege which I shall remember for ever, and it gives me strength and courage as I dedicate my life to the service of our country.

This is a wonderful day, and it is all the more wonderful because we have awaited it with increasing impatience, compelled to watch one country after another overtaking us on the road when we had so nearly reached our goal. But now we have acquired our rightful status, and I feel sure that history will show that the building of our nation proceeded at the wisest pace: it has been thorough, and Nigeria now stands well- built upon firm foundations.

Today’s ceremony marks the culmination of a process which began fifteen years ago and has now reached a happy and successful conclusion. It is with justifiable pride that we claim the achievement of our Independence to be unparalleled in the annals of history. Each step of our constitutional advance has been purposefully and peacefully planned with full and open consultation, not only between representatives of all the various interests in Nigeria but in harmonious cooperation with the administering power which has today relinquished its authority.

At the time when our constitutional development entered upon its final phase, the emphasis was largely upon self-government. We, the elected representatives of the people of Nigeria, concentrated on proving that we were fully capable of managing our own affairs both internally and as a nation. However, we were not to be allowed the selfish luxury of focusing our interest on our own homes. In these days of rapid communications we cannot live in isolation, apart from the rest of the world, even if we wished to do so. All too soon it has become evident that for us Independence implies a great deal more than self-government. This great country, which has now emerged without bitterness or bloodshed, finds that she must at once be ready to deal with grave international issues.

This fact has of recent months been unhappily emphasized by the startling events which have occurred in this continent. I shall not labour the point but it would be unrealistic not to draw attention first to the awe-inspiring task confronting us at the very start of our nationhood. When this day in October 1960 was chosen for our Independence it seemed that we were destined to move with quiet dignity to place on the world stage. Recent events have changed the scene beyond recognition, so that we find ourselves today being tested to the utmost. We are called upon immediately to show that our claims to responsible government are well-founded, and having been accepted as an indepedent state we must at once play an active part in maintaining the peace of the world and in preserving civilisation. I promise you, we shall not fail for want of determination.

Nigeria's independence day - October 1, 1960. Second from right is Nigeria's first Prime Minister Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, third from right is Jaja Wachuku.

And we come to this task better-equipped than many. For this, I pay tribute to the manner in which successive British Governments have gradually transferred the burden of responsibility to our shoulders. The assistance and unfailing encouragement which we have received from each Secretary of State for the Colonies and their intense personal interest in our development has immeasurably lightened that burden.

All our friends in the Colonial Office must today be proud of their handiwork and in the knowledge that they have helped to lay the foundations of a lasting friendship between our two nations. I have indeed every confidence that, based on the happy experience of a successful partnership, our future relations with the United Kingdom will be more cordial than ever, bound together, as we shall be in the Commonwealth, by a common allegiance to Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth, whom today we proudly acclaim as Queen of Nigeria and Head of the Commonwealth.

Time will not permit the individual mention of all those friends, many of them Nigerians, whose selfless labours have contributed to our Independence. Some have not lived to see the fulfilment of their hopes—on them be peace—but nevertheless they are remembered here, and the names of buildings and streets and roads and bridges throughout the country recall to our minds their achievements, some of them on a national scale. Others confined, perhaps, to a small area in one Division, are more humble but of equal value in the sum-total.

Today, we have with us representatives of those who have made Nigeria: Representatives of the Regional Governments, of former Central Governments, of the Missionary Societies, and of the Banking and Commercial enterprises, and members, both past and present, of the Public Service. We welcome you, and we rejoice that you have been able to come and share in our celebrations. We wish that it could have been possible for all of those whom you represent to be here today: Many, I know, will be disappointed to be absent, but if they are listening to me now, I say to them: ‘Thank you on behalf of my Thank you for your devoted service which helped build up Nigeria into a nation. Today we are reaping the harvest which you sowed, and the quality of the harvest is equalled only by our gratitude to you. May God bless you all.

This is an occasion when our hearts are filled with conflicting emotions: we are, indeed, proud to have achieved our independence, and proud that our efforts should have contributed to this happy event. But do not mistake our pride for arrogance. It is tempered by feelings of sincere gratitude to all who have shared in the task of developing Nigeria politically, socially and economically. We are grateful to the British officers whom we have known, first as masters, and then as leaders, and finally as partners, but always as friends.  And there have been countless missionaries who have laboured unceasingly in the cause of education and to whom we owe many of our medical services. We are grateful also to those who have brought modern methods of banking and of commerce, and new industries. I wish to pay tribute to all of these people and to declare our everlasting admiration of their devotion to duty.

And, finally, I must express our gratitude to Her Royal Highness the Princess Alexandra of Kent for personally bringing to us these symbols of our freedom, and especially for delivering the gracious message from Her Majesty The Queen. And so, with the words ‘God Save Our Queen’, I open a new chapter in the history of Nigeria, and of the Commonwealth, and indeed of the world.”

Will Yar’Adua’s Delta Amnesty Reward Armed Violence?

President Yar’Adua’s amnesty for Niger Delta militants is set to expire next week. Although many people consider it to be a great feat of lateral thinking aimed at curbing the violence in the Niger Delta, some people NOT involved in insurgency have criticised the plan for rewarding armed violence.  Rather than discourage violence in the Niger Delta, critics say that by paying militants for handing in their weapons, the government is rewarding them for violence and kidnapping.

Some residentsin the Delta not involved in violence say it is they, and not militants who should be financially compensated.  Additionally a miliant who goes by the name “Osama Bin Laden” (real name Solomon Ndigbara) has threatened to resort to violence if he is not allowed to have a handshake with President Yar’Adua, and a house in Abuja.  Is the amnesty turning into an economic exercise?

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=G13rn6l7NTM

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x44Xv8h5Mfs

Eyewitness Report from The Trial of James Ibori’s Associates in London

http://www.saharareporters.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=3815:my-experience-attending-the-trial-of-iboris-associates&catid=69:gbloggers&Itemid=195

Why is Africa Poor?

BBC documentary examining this question…

Part 1: http://www.bbc.co.uk/worldservice/documentaries/2009/08/090821_why_is_africa_poor.shtml

Part 2: http://www.bbc.co.uk/worldservice/documentaries/2009/08/090827_why_is_africa_poor.shtml

Part 3: http://www.bbc.co.uk/iplayer/episode/p00447qt/The_Monday_Documentary_Why_Is_Africa_Poor_Episode_3/

Video Footage of Nuhu Ribadu’s Visit to Gani Fawehinmi’s Family

*Even though the police have denied it, Nuhu Ribadu DID enter Nigeria, and visited the home of Gani Fawehinmi in Lagos. Here is video footage of Ribadu at Fawehimni’s home, speaking and signing the condolence register.  Interesting to note that Ribadu is a “leftie”…you’ll see what I mean…*

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJAsxzcOwOc

Part one: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=e8OcgSWeLFI

Part two: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7bHRAjm0_Xc

Part three: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5gMXfJ58sFA

Part four: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vtQKVqyRSSY

Farewell to Gani: Fawehinmi is Buried

Nigeria has finally said farewell to its leading human rights lawyer, social rights crusader, and champion of the oppressed Gani Fawehinmi.  Gani was finally buried last week on Tuesday September 15 in Ondo state.

There has been a lot of press coverage about Gani, his life and burial. To make it easier to digest I collated this compendium of articles regarding the burial (including photos).

http://234next.com/csp/cms/sites/Next/News/Metro/5457701-146/Police_deploy_1,300_officers_for_Fawehinmi%E2%80%99s.csp

http://234next.com/csp/cms/sites/Next/News/National/5459830-146/Gani_finally_goes_home__.csp

http://www.channelstv.com/newsdetails.php?news_id=14207

http://thepmnews.com/2009/09/15/gani-buried

http://www.punchng.com/Article-print2.aspx?theartic=Art2009091613842

Sony Sci-Fi Film “District 9″ Upsets Nigerian Government

http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/8264180.stm

Interesting story from the BBC. Apparently the government is upset about the science fiction film “District 9″ which it says portrays Nigeria in a negative light.  The Information Minister Dora Akunyili has asked the film makers (Sony) for an apology.  Akunyili also said that the film portrays Nigerians as cannibals, criminals and prostitutes.  The film also features a gang leader character called “Obasanjo”.

I’m sure this is part of Dora’s “rebranding Nigeria” remit as ordinarily this is not the sort of thing that would even register on the government’s radar.  Clearly her department is keeping a close eye on portrayals of Nigeria emanating from the Western media.

Full story at:

http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/8264180.stm

Nzeogwu To Dimka: “The Most Comprehensive and Authentic Documentation on the Nigerian Coup and Counter Coup of 1966 and the Biafran War That I Have Ever Seen”

Nigeria’s Military Coup Culture (1966-1976) – “The Best Book on the Period So Far”

After a long hard slog, my book is finally available.

The book can be purchased from:

Amazon: http://www.amazon.com/Oil-Politics-Violence-Nigerias-1966-1976/dp/0875867081/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1243780456&sr=1-1

Barnes & Noble:http://search.barnesandnoble.com/Oil-Politics-and-Violence/Max-Siollun/e/9780875867083

“What is the book about?” I hear you say. Well, read on….

Review One: By Ohsee of Toronto, Canada.

In the West, considerations of truth and objectivity in history are seen in some quarters as marks of a lack of sophistication. In Nigeria, however, they are matters of life and death. People there die as a result of history forgot, of lessons not learned. Many people die.

Such questions loom large in Nigeria’s violent political history of the first two decades after independence. The most problematic have been, what really happened during the first two coups and the resultant civil war? It is here that Nigerians need to know the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth, because such reliable knowledge has proved useful in the past. But most Nigerian histories of those turbulent times, are often clouded by the malodorous presence of ethnic chauvinism and hatred of the Other, and the need for self-aggrandizement.

Many readers despaired of ever seeing an unbiased history from Nigerians themselves, and sought such objectivity from outsiders who often had little understanding of the subtleties of the Nigerian political milieu.

Thus Mr. Siollun’s book about the first four coups (1966-1976) must be considered something of a miracle. Unlike prior writers on the topic from that country, the Nigerian-born historian successfully checked at the door the ethnic biases he surely must have, in order to combine the dispassionate objectivity of the outsider with the nuanced knowledge of the insider. The result is a truly insightful book that is highly accessible to the general reader. The book also has enough new information to serve as a starting point for future investigators who wish to tackle some of the issues in greater detail.

Mr Siollun, whose essays about the first two coups are familiar to those who visit Nigerian websites, has tackled the four coups sequentially, and shown how they are related in terms of personnel involved and lessons to be learned. For instance, some of the participants in the second coup—such as Babangida, Abacha, Yaradua, and Buhari—dominated Nigerian coup-making culture for thirty years. Mr. Siollun shows how failing to punish murderous putschists can and did come back to bite coup beneficiaries in the arse, since “unpunished coup plotters will re-offend. The coup plotters behind Nigeria’s military regimes were repeat offenders—often with fatal consequences for themselves. They were men who lived life on the edge, snacked on danger and dined on death. For them, coup plotting was in the blood.”

Mr. Siollun’s summary of the pre-coup political situation is concise and lucid, and looks at the events in new ways. For instance, most people probably do not see the Nzeogwu coup as the second attempt at overthrowing the Balewa government by force. While many followers of Nigerian history may know that Awolowo—leader of the Action Group, one of the opposition parties in the First Republic—was jailed for treason in 1964, few are aware that it was not a trumped up charge, and that three decades later, Action Group General Secretary, S.G. Ikoku, confirmed that there was a genuine AG plot to topple the federal government.

Mr. Siollun is at his strongest where he skillfully cuts away the myths that have grown weed-like around the more controversial of those 1966 events. One of the more pernicious of these is the lie that the January 15 1966 coup was an effort at Igbo domination organized by the Igbos. Mr. Siollun demonstrates that there is a very strong case for seeing January 15 as an UPGA (United Progressive Grand Alliance) coup, or in other words, a second attempt by the South or southern political parties to wrest power from the North. By examining the national character of the Igbos, and the stereotypes that grew around their business activities, he carefully shows us the historical process via which the Igbos became the national scapegoat; we see how one section of the country practiced what he calls “transferred malice,” where the Igbos were singled out for punishment during troubles in which they only played a bit part.

In this absorbing and fascinating work, there is a good deal of new and startling information: who knew that in private moments, the genial Ironsi, the first military ruler, liked to refer jokingly to his fellow Igbos by the pejorative Northern term “Nyamiri?” We learn of the enormous family pressures on Northern officers and men after January 15 demanding vengeance for the Northern officers killed. The blood relationships between Northern People’s Congress (NPC) politicians, and some of the July 1966 plotters are revealed—Inua Wada, defence minister in the Balewa government during the First Republic, was Murtala Muhammed’s cousin, for example. We begin to understand the Machiavellian Ibrahim Babangida—military president from 1985 to 1993—better when we find out his closest friends were among the Dimka coup plotters of Feb 1976, a coup in which those very friends marked him for liquidation. We learn that Gen. Obasanjo wept when the poisonous chalice of leadership would not pass him by. Such brief character and biographical sketches of principal players inject life into the narrative, and make the historical protagonists more than just names on a paper.

The book of course has its flaws, some quite minor and perhaps fixable in later editions. The footnoting seems somewhat haphazard and sparse. To some, this may be considered a benefit, but it could be frustrating to the reader or researcher who wants to learn more by exploring sources. And one of the more vexatious things is that the footnoting, like Carlyle’s History, “is silent where you most wish her to speak.”

More egregious are the omissions and failures to explore some controversial areas. We do not know the extent of Lt. Col Adekunle Fajuyi’s involvement in January 15 even though Mr. Siollun was involved a few years back in a debate about it with someone on the Internet who went by the moniker “Arthur Unegbe”. Perhaps there is nothing to know or find out, but Mr. Siollun’s complete silence—no discussion of rumours, or analysis of possibilities—is troubling. Also surely we could learn from a brief exploration of the contradictions in the public statements of Gowon’s apologists and the actions of the man that suggest some foreknowledge of the July horrors? However, in light of the importance and intelligence of this work, it would be churlish to carp about these matters.

I admit to being skeptical before reading this work, expecting the typical tendentious and ethnically jaundiced approach that colours most Nigerian commentaries on the coups of 1966. What Mr. Siollun has given us rather is a deft, measured, and just examination of those tragic events, all done in very accessible prose. All Nigerians owe him a debt of gratitude. I wish I could find a way to get a copy into the hands of every educated Nigerian.

The book can be purchased from:

Amazon http://www.amazon.com/Oil-Politics-Violence-Nigerias-1966-1976/dp/0875867081/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1243780456&sr=1-1

Barnes & Noble:http://search.barnesandnoble.com/Oil-Politics-and-Violence/Max-Siollun/e/9780875867083

Review Two:by Australia’s Former High Commissioner to NIgeria During the 1966-1967 Crisis

This book, by an industrious, questing and objective historian, brings together the most comprehensive and authentic documentation on the Nigerian coup and counter coup of 1966 and the Biafran War that I have ever seen.

The author does not “make a case” for anyone. Rather he sets out the evidence, gives a variety of parties their say and, by and large, then leaves you to make a judgement on the very best evidence available.

I do not think that any of us can responsibly write about the Biafran War and the steps leading up to it unless they have first read and thoroughly digested Max Siollun’s book. I say this against the background that I was Australian High Commissioner in Nigeria at the relevant time and I knew the principal players personally.

In early October 1966, I embarked on a Mission to Enugu to talk to Ojukwu – with General Gowon’s blessing – in an effort to find a negotiated resolution of Nigeria’s deep constitutional, political, racial and tribal problems. Above all, I wanted to avoid the brutal and bloody conflict that, in the event, became known as the Biafran War. In the wake of my meeting with Ojukwu, agreement was reached between Ojukwu and the Federal Nigerian Government at a meeting in Aburi in Ghana in January 1967. However, the agreement fell to pieces shortly afterwards and the first shots in the Biafran War followed within a couple of months or so.

With this background, I can responsibly and, I think, reliably assess the authenticity of what Siollun has to say and recommend his outstanding book to those who want to know, understand and be familiar with Nigerian history of that troubled period.

Review Three: by Iwedi Ojinmah for Nigerian Village Square

Once in while there comes a book that makes us either sit up straight or reflect on our lives… past and present. It is even more appreciated and of importance when such a book is a serious one and about a subject matter, that even 4 decades after it engulfed Nigeria in arguably Africa’s most vicious war pitching suspicious cousin against each other , it is still rife with so much controvesy and emotional debate that one can seriously question if true National reconcilation has not remained deferred.

Max Siollun, has produced such a wonder in Oil Politics and Violence: Nigeria’s Military Coup Culture (1966-1976) Algora Pub Hardcover : $33.95 Softcover $23.95

Right out the gates the English born Nigerian but US based Professor, separates himself from the rest of the pack of historians that have feebly tackled early Nigerian Politics with his pronounced objectivity and absolutely impeccable research. In a detailed chronological sequence of events he locks the door on many a propagated myth and exposes among others how for instance the Igbo’s became political scapegoats not by choice but by default. He also amazingly shows how for the better part of 3 decades it was pretty much “old wine in new bottles” as the same vagabonds in power continued -just like some morbid spoke of a wheel- to keep in place Nigeria’s wobbly and corrupt coup culture.

Each of the 268 pages is saturated with such intricate fact that you often have to pinch yourself back into reality to realize again that all this stuff really did occur, and is not the draft of an up till now unknown Shakespearean tragedy. The man really names names and one has to virtually munch on a mint to supress the subsequent but delicious bite.

Things Fell Apart and Have Never Been the Same Since

However while his book will serve hopefully as salve on the deep festering wound inflicted on Nigeria, it does not address the more dangerous and ever present infection that lingers on still robbing her of her full potential; because it summates just ten years out of almost 45 years. Since there is an undeniable thread linking the past to the present and vice versa ; we salivate at the possibility……NO I take that back …..“ we implore” the absolute need of a part 2 that will continue to explore the murky dysfunctional rot that is Nigerian Politics. The story after 1976 must also be examined with as equal objectivity and openness and till then we will remain hungry at the table like guests denied of a spectacular entrée after being treaded to array of amazing o’dourves….pounding our forks and just like Twist – asking for more.

The book can be purchased from:

Amazon: http://www.amazon.com/Oil-Politics-Violence-Nigerias-1966-1976/dp/0875867081/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1243780456&sr=1-1

Barnes & Noble:http://search.barnesandnoble.com/Oil-Politics-and-Violence/Max-Siollun/e/9780875867083

Will the Government’s Niger Delta Amnesty Succeed?

The federal government’s amnesty initiative for Niger Delta militants is well under way. Several prominent militants have accepted the amnesty (although a sizeable proportion of them have refused to take up the offer).  Militants who take up amnesty will hand in their weapons in exchange for freedom from prosecution, money (per weapon handed in) and a monthly salary from the federal government.

However will the amnesty succeed?  Or will it encourage more militancy by offering militants a financial incentive. There is no guarantee that the militants are handing in all their weapons. They may be handing in some weapons in order to test the government’s intentions, while retaining a larger cache for a fight another day.

Footage of militants surrendering their weapons:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PwZbPF2DGaY

President Yar’Adua meets with militants granted amnesty.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zi-b2BkSnxs

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=p0mhNgivYBk

Africans: Get to Europe or Die Trying

Last night the BBC’s panorama programme showed a documentary regarding the extraordinary risks that Africans take to travel to Europe in search of a better life. You can watch the show at the URL below:

http://www.bbc.co.uk/iplayer/episode/b00mqjjn/Panorama_Europe_or_Die_Trying/

See the links below for details of the programme and a slideshow showing some shocking images:

http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/8251376.stm

http://news.bbc.co.uk/panorama/hi/front_page/newsid_8250000/8250327.stm (slideshow)

Some of the would be migrants trek across dangerous desert terrain in search of European “paradise”. This is a trailer from the programme….

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GnFrXGx-3S4